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Politics of the environment

by Paul Csagoly


ONCE AN EXAMPLE OF multi-ethnic cooperation, Sarajevo struggles to ignore its scars.


  Under the Peace Agreement signed in Paris in December 1995, BiH became a nation consisting of two separate states, officially called "Entities" - the (Muslim/Croat) Federation, covering 51 percent of the country, and the (Bosnian Serb) Republika Srpska, covering 49 percent. BiH the nation has its own constitution, central governing body and two-chamber parliament, established in early 1997 to coordinate a limited number of affairs for the entire country. At the same time, each Entity has its own assembly and constitution to manage Entity internal affairs.

  Protection of the environment is not specified as a responsibility of BiH in its constitution. As a result, it became the basic responsibility of the two Entities - for the Federation, the Ministry of Urban Planning and Environment, and for the Republika Srpska, the Ministry for Urbanism, Construction, Communal Issues and Ecology.

  The Office of the High Representative (OHR), a United Nations-led, independent body established to spearhead the civilian implementation of the Dayton Accords (which provide for the rule of law in BiH), is also involved in environmental activities. The OHR is coordinating efforts of the international community in BiH and helping the Entities develop environmental law. One outcome was the OHR assisting the Federation Ministry's drafting of a Law on Environmental Protection in 1997 (see CEE Law Report).

Not talking

  The OHR is also trying to coordinate environmental activities between the two Entities. "But they're not talking," says John Seeronen, a U.S. Army Reservist in Bosnia assigned as a legal advisor to the OHR Legal Department. "And the environment has been a low priority. Money is being spent on basic infrastructure like water and transport."

  Cooperation between the two Entities in all sectors remains minimal, as does cooperation between the two sides of the Federation itself. The formation of Federation authorities, for example, has been very difficult, revealing the depth of mistrust between its Muslim and Croat partners. The city of Mostar poses an especially key problem for the Federation. While Mostar's east side is now almost exclusively mixed Croatian and Muslim, the west side is exclusively Croatian. In fact, Croatians have declared their side the unofficial capital of "Herczeg-Bosnia," a territory which they consider to be their "Croat Republik" - with its own laws and institutions - although it is completely unrecognized externally. Muslims are afraid to cross Mostar's internal border, the Neretva River, for fear of attack. International officials have been attacked and bombings in Mostar have been frequent. On a positive note, the world famous bridge connecting Mostar's two sides, bombed and buried in the Neretva River during the war, is being slowly rebuilt with international assistance, including free help from Hungarian engineers.

  Car travel within BiH also poses problems, unless one is equipped with a foreign or Corps Diplomatique license plate. BiH's three ethnic groups each have their own plates with unique coats of arms which pose as sure targets for locals keen on venting their anger on "intruders." REC head office staff, on route by car to the Travnik conference, witnessed just such a heated incident live at a Serbian/Croatian border manned by UN police.


FRENCH PEACEKEEPING TROOPS on the scene following Croat-Muslim clashes in 1993.


  Given these hostilities, it is difficult to unite the country into a new force striving to rehabilitate the damaged environment, let alone create new environmental laws. "Everything is political in Bosnia," said Adem Kuric, coordinator of MEDEX, a children's camp for mine awareness in Bosnia. Nonetheless, government and NGO spokespersons are raising their voices against the continued lack of unity in the country, including Nijaz Abadzic, perhaps the country's most famous environmentalist, winner of a UNEP Global 500 Award for his commitment to environmental protection, and editor of Fondeko World Magazine, dedicated to environmental sustainability in BiH.

  "It should not be allowed that ecological policy, natural resource management, and environmental protection be parceled out in BiH to belong to the entities, cantons, or communities, exclusively," wrote Abadzic in the magazine's first issue just released this year. "It should be done for the entire state, as elsewhere in the world."

Crossing the line

  Interestingly, Travnik, site of the REC conference, is also located directly on one of the Inter-Entity Border Lines (IEBL) which separate Republika Srpska from the Federation. A major success of the conference is that it attracted representatives from both sides.

  Officials from the Federation government were there, including Ahdin Orahovac, Secretary of the Ministry of Physical Planning and Environment. Although invited, no officials from Republika Srpska came. In fact, they did not even respond to the invitation. But NGOs did, from both entities, including representatives from Federation NGOs Fondeko and MEDEX, some 15 other Federation NGOs, and two NGO representatives from Republika Srpska.

  A great feat of cooperation, that they could sit at the same conference table. If only they could have sat next to each other more informally, at lunch or dinner. But that didn't happen. Not yet anyway. But there's hope.

  "The war was bad," said Miroslav Basovic, priest, engineer and President of ORION, an environmental NGO from the Republika Srpska. I'm not a child of this country. I'm a child of this planet. This is the same for other members of ORION. What we have now is banana republics. This is foolish. We need more communication between NGOs in all areas."


REC * PUBLICATIONS * THE BULLETIN * AUTUMN-WINTER 1997

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